Judicial Selection
Judicial selection is the cornerstone of Modern Courts' mission.
Indeed, it was the issue upon which the organization was founded
in 1955. Among the various methods used around the country to select
judges, Modern Courts endorses the system known as a "commission
based appointive system" or "merit selection," and
opposes open primaries.
This
page explains each judicial selection method, how each has been
adapted in New York, and why Modern Courts endorses merit selection.
It also outlines Modern Courts' recent policy statements.
About Judicial Selection:
On this Topic
Commentary by Abbe R. Gluck & Victor A. Kovner:
The
Perils of Electing Judges after the United States Supreme Court's
decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election
Commission
Perhaps
the glass is not entirely empty, after all. The
Supreme Court's recent decision in Citizens United
vs. Federal Election Commission, although widely
viewed as a disaster for campaign finance reform,
may actually provide a kernel of hope for those
concerned about judicial selection.
In
the wake of Citizens United, all arguments in
favor of electing judges, rather than appointing
them through a merit process, obviously require
serious reconsideration. This is because the Supreme
Court held that the First Amendment prevents government
from limiting independent corporate and union
campaign expenditures, even expenditures focusing
on campaigns of elected judges who preside over
corporate and labor cases, and whose campaigns
are now widely expected to be inundated especially
with corporate money.
This
kind of outside interference with judicial elections
plainly jeopardizes the independence of much of
our state judiciary. Plainly, the sense that judges
may be beh old en to financial donors -- whether
actual or even just perceived -- undermines public
confidence in our courts.
This
decision hits home in New York , the financial
capital of the nation -- and yet a state where
most of our judges are elected. Now, more than
ever, the way to preserve the integrity and independence
of our judicial system is to stop electing judges
and implement a merit appointive system.
For
three consecutive years, the Supreme Court has
issued opinions that directly affect some of the
problems attendant to judicial elections, both
nationally and in New York specifically. Yet,
reform mostly has been at a standstill.
In
2008, in New York State Board of Elections vs.
Lopez Torres, the court reversed the h old ing
of two lower federal courts that had concluded
that New York 's political party-dominated judicial
nomination system violated the federal constitutional
rights of judicial candidates and state voters.
Last
spring, in Caperton vs. A.T. Massey Coal Co.,
the court held that the U.S. Constitution required
the disqualification of a West Virginia Supreme
Court judge where the CEO of a company whose case
was before that court had spent $3 million (through
both a PAC and independent expenditures) in support
of his election. The risk of judicial bias was
simply too high.
And
now, Citizens United. Although the majority opinion
opens the door to far more of the kind of corporate
influence on elected judges deemed problematic
in Caperton, the case also ironically provides
a clear invitation to judicial reform. By cutting
off a restriction most states had used to restrain,
if not eliminate, corporate influence on elected
judges, the decision suggests a more sweeping
response at least as to judicial elections.
Apart
from any restraints on corporate contributions
that may be adopted by Congress, it is up to individual
states to close the gaping hole the court opened,
and amend their state constitutions to end judicial
elections. Whatever limits the Citizens United
majority held that the federal Constitution imposes
on corporate expenditures in judicial elections,
nothing in the decision limits state governments
from eliminating those elections in the first
place.
From
the perspective of federal judges -- who are appointed
by the president and enjoy life tenure -- this
problem may be somewhat distant. But let us not
forget that 98 percent of American litigation
occurs in state, not federal, courts; 39 states
elect some or all of their judges; and a majority
of American judges still run for office.
According
to the Brennan Center for Justice, "special-interest
groups have increasingly pumped money into these
elections," with contributions to judicial
campaigns more than doubling over the past decade.
In
New York , roughly 73 percent of full-time judges
are elected. The most notable exception of course,
is our state's highest court, the Court of Appeals,
whose justices are appointed and confirmed through
a merit system. Our intermediate appellate jurists
are also appointed, after some independent vetting,
albeit from among elected trial judges. It is
likely no coincidence that our appellate courts
are among the most respected state courts in the
nation.
At
a minimum, until we have an exclusively appointive
system, we need stronger rules that require judges
to disqualify themselves from any case involving
litigants, including corporations, that have spent
a substantial sum directly or indirectly in connection
with their elections. According to the New York
State Commission to Promote Confidence in Judicial
Elections, "nine out of 10 registered voters
believe that it is important for a judge to be
independent from political party leaders and campaign
contributors."
Former
Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, who argued last week
that Citizens United creates "a problem for
an independent judiciary," is one of the
strongest advocates for ending judicial elections.
It is no small detail that she is the only living
U.S. Supreme Court justice who also has served
as an elected state court judge.
Early Policy Statement on Judicial Selection
Other Resources
Symposium on Rethinking Judicial Selection: A Critical Appraisal of Appointive Selection for State Court Judges
Co-Sponsored by the Fund for Modern Courts
Fordham Law School, Urban Law Journal
New York State Office of Court Administration: The Commission to Promote Public Confidence in Judicial Elections (Feerick Commission) Final Report
Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law: Fair Courts
Justice at Stake
The American Judicature Society
NYS Office of Court Administration
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